Some people believe that democracy is a concept
alien to Islam. The ideal way of setting up an Islamic government in our times
is the one that the Taliban adopted for Mullāh ‘Umar’s government in
Afghanistan. The constitution, the parliament, and elections are nothing but
modern day shams. For its implementation, Islam does not depend on any of these
mechanisms. Whatever interpretations have been accepted in the Ḥanafī law
are final and authoritative. The opinions of its jurists have all been compiled
in matters related to individual as well as collective affairs. According to
these people, these opinions and verdicts are based on the Qur’ān, the Sunnah
(the Prophet’s teachings), Ijmā‘ (consensus), and Qiyās (analogy)
and are contained in the manuals of Fiqh (Islamic law) and in the
fatāwā (verdicts) of “qualified” Muslim jurists. These laws and verdicts
must be implemented. And this implementation does not require the approval of
any parliament. The modus operandi recommended by people with these views is
that all institutions of the government be under the judiciary and the judiciary
itself be under the control of the ‘ulamā’ (religious scholars) as it is
the ‘ulamā’ who are the experts in the understanding and interpretation
of the Sharī‘ah (Divine law). These people hold that the last 1200 years
of Muslim tradition stands in support of their view. In their opinion, after the
appointment of Imām Abū Yūsuf as the qādī al-quḍāt (chief justice) of
the Abbasid sultanate, the same modus operandi was adopted everywhere for the
implementation of Islam. It was the Western colonialism that put an end to this
tradition. Now, the Muslims are independent; therefore, this approach to running
the affairs of the state in accordance with the Sharī‘ah must also be
restored.
I can say with full confidence on the basis of my
study of Islam that this viewpoint is not acceptable to the Qur’ān. It
prescribes democracy as the basis for running the affairs of the State. The
Qur’ān (42:38) says: amruhum shūrā baynahum (the affairs of the Muslims
are run on the basis of their consultation). ‘Umar (may Allah be pleased with
him) said: “Whosoever pledges allegiance to anyone without the collective
consent of the Muslims presents himself for the death sentence.”
It is true that, in Muslim history, monarchy and dictatorship have often been
accepted forms of government. Some people also believe that the head of
government should be an appointee of God Himself. However, the principle the
Qur’ān spells out is very clear. What this principle entails in terms of its
nature and foundation has been explained very aptly by a well-known Muslim
scholar of our times, Mawlānā Abū al-A‘lā Mawdūdī. He says:
First of all, people whose
interests and rights are directly affected by collective decisions should have
the absolute right to express their opinions. They should be fully informed of
how their matters are being dealt with, and they should be granted the full
right to criticize those in charge of their matters for any mistakes or flaws.
They should also have the right to change their leaders if they do not see any
effectiveness in the efforts for their reform. Making people conform to
collective decisions by stifling their voice, shackling their hands and keeping
them in the dark is downright dishonesty, which no intellectually honest person
can consider as compliance with the directive of amruhum shūrā baynahum.
The second thing that needs
to be understood is that the appointment of the person responsible for the
collective affairs of the Muslims should be with the free will of people.
Support gained through coercion, intimidation, jobbery, bribery, deception or
misrepresentation does not reflect free will. The rightful leader of the people
is not someone who attains this position by hook or by crook, but someone whom
they choose of their own accord.
The third point is that
representatives of people involved in consultation with the head of the state
should be appointed on the basis of the genuine trust of people. Obviously,
those who have attained this position on the basis of coercion, bribes, lies and
deception can never be deemed as worthy of this trust.
The fourth point pertains to
freedom of expression for people’s representatives to present their opinions
correctly and honestly in accordance with their understanding and conscience. If
this aspect is missing and the representatives are bound by any fear, greed or
group affiliation, the consequence will be dishonesty and betrayal rather than
conformity to the principle of amruhum shūrā baynahum.
Finally, the unanimous or majority verdict of the
consultative body should be accepted. The reason for this principle is that, if
any person or group is given the authority to violate the collective decision,
the whole process of consultation becomes meaningless. The Almighty Allah does
not say: “In their matters, the Muslims are consulted.” Instead, He says: “Their
matters are based on their consultation.” Compliance with this directive does
not take effect by mere consultation. Compliance here requires that, in the
consultation, whatever is decided by unanimous or majority verdict become
binding.”
This extract clearly shows
that, for the interpretation and application of even a religious directive
pertaining to the state affairs, it is consultation that should be the
procedure. Experts of Islamic sciences may proffer their opinions. It is their
right to express their viewpoints, but their opinions become legally binding on
people only when the majority of the elected representatives of people accept
them. In the present-day state, the institution of the parliament is constituted
for this very purpose. It is the right of the people to disagree with decisions
of the parliament and to express their viewpoints to rectify its mistakes.
However, no one has the right to violate the laws enacted by the parliament or
to defy the system. Neither the ‘ulamā nor the judiciary is superior to
the parliament. Each institution has the obligation to comply with the
parliamentary decisions even if it has differences of opinion with it.
If this status of the
parliament is accepted, the discussion on an “Islamic state” vis-à-vis a
“secular state” also becomes irrelevant. Discussions as these were relevant in
situations of autocracy and dictatorship. Now, the objective of our efforts
should be a purely democratic state. Once this state is truly formed, Islam will
manifest itself in the system in proportion to the degree of people’s commitment
to this faith. This is the natural way. Any deviation from it will lead only to
hypocrisy, which we have been witnessing for the past half-century in Pakistan.
The real task of the
‘ulamā’ and reformers is to prepare the minds of the people for Islam
through education and communication. They should call people to this message
with sagacity and decency; they should face their questions and queries; they
should cogently resolve people’s intellectual issues and explain to them not
only the sharī‘ah but also the Divine wisdom in its directives. For
example, they should be ready to explain what the relationship of the
sharī‘ah is with the collective affairs of society, what the foundations of
its directives are, and why the modern mind is impeded in understanding the
wisdom of the Divine law. They should adopt such means and modes of
communication as would bring out the wisdom and the meaningfulness of the
sharī‘ah so that people are able to understand the underlying objectives
clearly and become willing to accept these laws with heart, mind and soul. The
responsibility that the Qur’ān lays upon the religious scholars is that of
calling people to Islam and exhorting them to follow its directives (da‘wat-o
indhār) – they have not been given the role of keepers of morals and,
therefore, have no right to use groups of their followers to enforce their
conceptions and interpretations of the Sharī‘ah on people in their
society through the force of guns. Not even the state itself has been permitted
by Islam to use the force of law to coerce people into fulfilling any obligation
of purely religious nature except the mandatory prayer and alms (al-s@alāh
and al-zakāh). The Qur’ān is very clear in this matter: regardless
of what the adherents to Islam are responsible for in the Hereafter, the State
cannot hold them responsible in religion beyond these imperatives. Beyond them,
appeal, exhortation, education and training are the means that may be adopted to
make the efforts for reformation of people. If some of the religious scholars
are fond of politics as well, they can join political parties to become part of
the parliament where they can play their role in legislation in accordance with
the parliamentary norms and procedures.
(Translated by Asif
Iftikhar, Fellow, al-Mawrid, Lahore)